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- <text id=90TT1181>
- <title>
- May 07, 1990: Blunt History
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- May 07, 1990 Dirty Words
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- THEATER, Page 102
- Blunt History
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>By William A. Henry III--With reporting by Paul
- Hofheinz/Moscow
- </p>
- <p>THE PEACE OF BREST-LITOVSK by Mikhail Shatrov
- </p>
- <p> Snow flutters to the ground. Church bells peal. A widowed
- mother carrying a swaddled child paces despondently, then wheels
- and, in the accents of old Russia, jeers at the leaders of the
- new Soviet state: "Liars! Killers! You don't know Christ!" The
- time is the last day of 1917, and the central object of her rage
- is V.I. Lenin. His revolution has succeeded, but his nation's
- economy is failing, its armies are in retreat, its enemies are
- demanding territory, and its ideology has failed to take hold
- anywhere beyond the borders of traditional Russia.
- </p>
- <p> That opening confrontation is not only dramatic but also,
- by erstwhile Soviet standards, outright dangerous. It portrays
- Lenin as a fallible man, not a mythic hero. It admits that the
- Bolsheviks were detested by many of the peasants they purported
- to help. And the play commits the once unpardonable sin of
- bringing Trotsky onstage--showing him, in fact, as shrewder
- than Lenin. The theme is ideological purity vs. practical
- necessity, with pragmatism favored all the way. Compromise with
- the West is extolled as sensible; worldwide revolution is
- dismissed as a daydream.
- </p>
- <p> Not surprisingly, The Peace of Brest-Litovsk was suppressed
- for more than two decades. When it finally debuted in 1987,
- however, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev attended the premiere;
- afterward he endorsed the play and embraced its leading actor,
- his friend Mikhail Ulyanov. One version has Gorbachev saying,
- "That is me. That is me." Playwright Mikhail Shatrov, 58, says
- that the actual words were more restrained but that Gorbachev
- openly drew parallels between Lenin's reluctant peace with
- imperial Germany and his own reform and retrenchment. Thus the
- staging of Shatrov's text became a political as well as an
- artistic event, a landmark of changing times. And of countless
- cultural exchanges between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. in recent
- years, none has had greater symbolic significance than the
- play's current run in Chicago, in the original production
- starring Ulyanov. (The play is performed in Russian with
- simultaneous English translation delivered via headphones.)
- </p>
- <p> For the many U.S. skeptics who doubt that glasnost and
- perestroika are sincere and enduring, the welcome this blunt
- depiction of history received in Moscow is bound to be
- reassuring. Says its author: "The most important question now
- is what legacy we are rejecting. This play is a firm rejection
- of Stalinism." It is also a poignant and at times eerily apt
- echo of the present--as when Lenin and his colleagues sadly
- conclude that the apparent Communist revolution in Germany,
- where Marx expected his workers' revolt to start, is instead a
- brief outpouring of rage and envy from a still conservative
- people. This Lenin says his duty is to feed, clothe, house and
- employ the Russian people; until this goal is achieved, there
- is no point in expansionist ambitions. Afghanistan comes to
- mind.
- </p>
- <p> Yet Shatrov's play works as more than a political curiosity.
- Staged by Robert Sturua of Soviet Georgia's Rustaveli Theater,
- which this month presented a striking King Lear at the Brooklyn
- Academy of Music in New York City, the show marks the U.S. debut
- of Moscow's venerable Vakhtangov Theater and of Ulyanov, its
- artistic director as well as its star. Although the bulky,
- brooding Ulyanov in no way resembles the vulpine Lenin, he and
- his troupe seem wholly at ease. Amid the symbolic flutters of
- cloth, abrupt bursts of music, caricatures of the old
- bourgeoisie and odd lighting shifts, they keep a tight focus on
- the most troubling aspect of politics anywhere, the need to
- compromise principle.
- </p>
- <p> The choice facing Lenin is stark: cede large territories
- that seem naturally part of his country, or face all-out war
- without being sure his army is able or willing to fight. At
- first he is alone in seeking peace; at the end the ballot is
- almost unanimous. Lenin's mood is not triumphal but exhausted,
- almost embittered. The last line is "I don't want you to believe
- me. I want you to understand me." For Soviets that is a haunting
- answer to the years when blind faith was obligatory. For
- Americans it is a sorrowful reminder that any leader, however
- inspirational, runs into the greatest trouble when he tries to
- spur people to think.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-